Emergence of Sokoku
The emergence of Sokoku is the part of Sokokan history where the post-colonial federative republic was formed out of (former) Anarian colonial possessions. The entire process took 6-7 decades, including liberation and civil wars in Shuuen, New South Gate, .Pakataya and Garis Hati.
Start of the decolonisation process
The inclusion of Fisks as a member state of Vittmark is generally considered the peak of the colonisation era, but at the same time also the starting point of the decolonisation process. In 7575 a local ethnicity called the Kakuri contacted Vittmark's federal government. Queen Anna and her successor Queen Tovemor developed friendly, even personal relations with the Kakuri, accepting them as citizens of Vittmark. This led to tension with the Fisks settlers. But when Fisks lost its possessions further north in Altaia, at the start of the Wolgos Scourge, Fisks' leadership underwent drastic reforms and started cooperating with the Kakuri people.
With Vittmark at war in Anaria and the industrial facilities of northern Fisks under Kamuran and Wolgos control, the Fisks-Kakuri cooperation had to look for more regional options in order to survive as an economy and culture. The Kakuri leadership opted for meddling with the civil war going on at nearby Schangtienrand. Tipping the balance there would create a situation where the Kakuri and Fisks no longer would be in retreat. In 7XXX a joint expedition landed on Dog Beach and met with two rebel groups. With Fisks naval support and Anarian know-how, they were able to slowly gain control over the entire colony except for some mines and häverist conurbations. The publication of the Gekibun, the declaration of independence of Shuuen, followed shortly after the fall of Schlung, Schangtienrand's capital.
By giving the Hellish colonisers and military the option to withdraw to New South Gate and Rissland in order to focus on the defence on what was considered häverist core territory, the entire island was decolonised by 7XXX. The removed colonisers and settlers were marked with the so-called Sokokan birthmark to assure none of the removed people would return to Shuuen.
The unusual Fisks-Kakuri coalition, together with Shuuen and Iztomal rebel groups, had to find a way to govern the entire area and create economic opportunities for its population. Chika Mirei, second daughter of Kirisaki of the Nokumo Nobono, started sketching a vision of recreating a Tsuki motherland where different ethnic groups could live together and trade on a level playing field. Being half-Vittmarker and half-Kakuri, she was in the position to unite all the ethnic groups in a common ambition and carved out a basic structure with a planned economy to start building up the region again and take its place in the international community of independent nations.
Declaration of the confederation
Inspired by the insular Iztomal population on Shuuen, the mainland Iztomal of Bowersland wanted similar reforms. The native population started reclaiming the scarce arable lands that their labour had created for the Hallish settlers. Shuuen could use a friendly, decolonised neigbour, especially one rich in iron findings and overseeing the northern shore of the strategically important Askers Straight. When Hallland sent a naval unit to crush the uprising, they were confronted by the weaponized merchant fleet of Fisks, now operating as the makeshift navy of Sokoku Tsuki, the makeshift cooperation between Fisks islands and Shuuen. Independence was granted in a ceremony aboard the HMS Blåker.
The newly formed state of Shaaniaah chose to start a military and economic cooperation with Shuuen, Fisks and the Kakuri. The Sokoku Tsuki Confederation was founded in 76XX, which can be seen as the starting point of the later Federal Republic of Sokoku. Tsuki nationalism played a large symbolic role in the confederation, serving as inspiration for a common future. From that moment on, Tsuki nationalism became a force to be reckoned with around the Julian Sea.
More decolonisation efforts were fed by the concept of multi-ethnic, bottom-up cooperation. The transition of Schangtienrand as a troubled colony into the member state of Shuuen also created an example for successful post-colonial development. At first, the confederation lacked a clear territorial ambition, other than to minimise Anarian colonial presence in the region around the Julian Sea. The cooperation was also founded on Chika Mirei's principles regarding economy and society, following a more bottom-up variation of a planned society opposing the more top-down approach of the Orderists and Häverists. Even the modern religion of Guso, based on 1000 year old Lizehanist principles, became a factor in the decolonisation process.
Neu Südentor and Kotonoh
The Häverist colony of New Südentor far west of Sokoku had played an important role in the liberation of Shuuen. The colony had a long history of native opposition against the Häverist colonisers, but not on the scale of the continuous civil war that waged in Schangtienrand. Planters continued protesting against Häverist forced labour policies vehemently. Especially during the Pan-Anarian War, when focus shifted towards coal mining, as well as ship building for the war effort, forced labour was applied more rigorously. The opposition against Häverist rule was effectively crushed in the latter half of the 7550's, when Häverist forces were able to devote their attention completely to colonial rule.
But when Izto natives managed to liberate Shuuen from Häverist occupation in 76XX together with the Hueiwei majority and Fisks' settlers, a new generation of protesters emerged. They first targeted the retreated Häverist forces from former Schangtienrand, already demoralised but forced by their superiors to prepare a counter attack. It is generally considered that the sabotage in Neusüdentor highly contributed to the military success in Shuuen. So Sokoku felt a moral debt to the native population and rebel movement in the Häverist colony and actively started supporting the uprisings by supplying weaponry, logistics and training.
However, it was the island of Kotonoh that would become the next member state of Sokoku first. (TBA when a coloniser and scenario is available)
Pakatayan secession
The rather radical and pro-active approach of decolonisation by Sokoku became a point of inspiration in the entire region even more after the inclusion of Kotonoh into what now had become a federative republic. Sokoku had manifested itself as a multi-ethnic, anti-colonial, anti-capitalist and anti-orderist alternative, influencing the mindset of many native populations around the Julian Sea. At the same time, the nation and its ideology were seen more and more as a threat by Anarian colonial powers, capitalist nations as well as the Stoldavic Orderist Commonwealth.
The expansion of Sokoku continued in an unsuspecting area, in the region of Pakataya within the Anisoran colonial holding of Aspasia. Pakataya had rebelled against Anisora before, for example during the Nytalayan Rebellion (7545-7546). With the death of Princess Unjani Putrisakayana in 76XX, local leaders saw an opportunity to spark Pakatayan secession sentiments again. The princess' successor Ramirah Putrunjani didn't have as much popular support among the population, which created a breeding ground for another rebellion. Secession was declared in Siraya in 7626 but was met by a quick military response from Anisoran military. In the urban landscape of Siraya, the guerilla tactics of the secessionists led to a high rate of casualties among the colonisers. So when the secessionists formulated an ultimatum towards the Anisoran civilian population to leave the city quickly, with a guarantee they would not be harmed, a lot of the military put on civilian attire and left. When waiting for an Anisoran counterattack, attempts were made to build a national government. But soon a conflict erupted between a loyalist group gathering around Prince Ajimat, a distant cousin of Unjani, and a group striving after a republic. Due to internal problems in Anisora and the Nytalayan Rebellion still in memory, those colonial countermeasures took time. Instead, violence erupted between the loyalists and republicans. Where the first had more support on the conservative countryside, the latter had a larger support within the cities and towns. With Anisoran production facilities up for grabs, the republican movement quickly gained momentum, being able to carry out social modernisation which the loyalists could not offer.
The Stolvic Orderist Commonwealth however saw an opportunity to expand its zone of influence and started supplying the republican side. This led to a response from some republicans opposing orderism, reaching out to Sokoku instead for military support. So by the time an Anisoran counter offensive was started in 7627 they also had to face orderist and Sokokan factions. Anisora took a marginal presence in the periphery of Pakatayu, keeping a nominal claim to the autonomous region but avoiding full scale conflicts. Instead, the three main factions of loyalists, orderists and mireists entered a full scale civil war, battling for control over the seceded state. The conflict between Sokokan backed forces and Orderists spread to Neu Südentor, which had tried to remain a Häverist (instead of Orderist) stronghold in a reforming Commonwealth. After the Sokokan military defeated both the marginal Anisoran presence and the Orderists, a cease fire was signed with the loyalist faction. It was negotiated into a permanent peace treaty as overseen by ICoN in 76XX. It is estimated that the Pakatayan secession resulted in 18,000 to 36,000 casualties.
As part of the ICoN sanctioned treaty, free elections were held in 76XX. Where the loyalist and moderate groups voted along ethnic and political lines, republican supporters massively supported the Keadaan Matang movement. The following majority Keadaan Matang government first signed a military cooperation treaty with Sokoku and later applied for membership status within that country. This is why Pakatayu entered Sokoku as Keadaan Matang, which also stated a break with its past as a small kingdom and autonomous region within Aspasia.
Disintegration of Aspasia
The establishment of Pakatayu as an independent region, later evolving into the member state of Keadaan Matang, resulted in the regions southeast of Pakatayu becoming an Aspasian exclave. The states of XX and YY were granted more autonomy by Anisora, trying to prevent a bloody episode like the Pakatayan secession. It led to demands for more autonomy by remaining Aspasian regions as well, thus gearing up the decolonisation process of Aspasia. The Häverist territory of Neu Südentor saw an opportunity to extend its zone of influence on the island, trying to get the entire Chaim Strait under Häverist control.
With Anisora falling apart and Pakatayu as an example, many local noblemen and -women started looking towards Sokoku in order to avoid a power vacuum or a conversion to a libertarian free market economy or orderist, post-häverist top-down system of government. Sokoku offered the Aspasian colonial government, who was suffering from lack of support due to internal conflicts in Anisora, a truce. In return for military support against the Häverists, Anisora would be allowed to transform into an autonomous region called Nelyasyat as a condominium between the Anisoran colonial government and Sokoku. The treaty specifically mentioned the colonial government as partner and not the Anisoran mainland, creating an opportunity for the colony to align itself freely with any Anisoran faction in the internal conflict. But as a result, Anarian Anisoran influence effectively had been cut off, with Sokoku only dealing with settlers and administrators with roots in Anisora.
Many administrators preferred to return to Anisora, while many settlers preferred to remain in Nelyasyat since they were not happy about the outcome of the internal Anisoran conflict. However, the two states southeast of Keadaan Matang chose not to ratify the treaty, which all of a sudden meant that Nelyasyat had gained more autonomy than the previously autonomous regions which now had tighter ties with Anisora than the rest of Aspasia.
It took until early 7638 before Anisora completely abandoned all claims on Aspasia, but the majority of the former colony had already been mostly under Sokokan administration for several years before that.
Liberation of Diyin Tsidii
In 76XX Sokokan troops occupied parts of New Sûdentor south of Chaim Strait, first the western exclave, quickly followed by the eastern one. Both territories were added to the administration of Nelyasyat, in line with the treaty with the colonial government of former Aspasia.
Until then, the large geographical dstance made it impossible for Sokoku to deliver military support to the uprising in Neusüdentor. After the Treaty of XX that ended the First Coalition War with the Wolgos, the Stolvic Orderist Commonwealth had to withdraw any claims from Neu Südentor, after which the rebel forces with the help of Sokoku easily could take control and exile the remaining Hellish colonisers and Häverist forces to Morgenreich. The former colony was actively decolonised by Sokokan forces, the federation was invited by rebel forces and local nobility. In 7634 the state of Diyin Tsidii was formed and entered Sokokuas the XXth member state.
Formation of Tanah Ek
At first, the Auresian autonomous colonial territory of Radhria Modica was not affected by the decolonisation and formation of Sokoku, since the native population was as good as in charge of the island. But when Sokoku started interfering in the ongoing independence war in Keadaan Matang, Radhria Modica became a strategic place between the Sokokan territories. The Sokokan government started negotiating with the Auresian viceroy about further autonomy, even though the vast majority of the local population was not actively seeking full independence. Sokoku started a communication campaign, trying to convince the Wargans of the advantages of inclusion into Sokoku as a more viable option for future development than keeping providing raw material and tropical produce for Auresia. The movement gained foothold among the lowest paid workers and small land owners, creating the need for local government to address the situation.
The Auresians and local rulers preferred a process that would spare the island from violent episodes, like the ones in Pakatayu and Neu Südentor. Also, they tried to save most of its economic interests through negotiation. On top of that, Auresia was suffering internal territorial challenges which would make a military effort in this reason particularly difficult, in a similar way that Anisora had partially imploded and as such lost colonial leverage.
In 7637 Auresia and Sokoku signed the Placard of Abjuration (Allegatio Abiurationis) with Auresia denouncing its claim as governmental authority over the island, and Sokoku taking over these duties under a large amount of requirements. Since Sokoku did not have a policy of nationalising economic sectors or basic industries, there would be a future for Auresian owned companies in a post-colonial set-up. Even Auresian settlers and their descendants were allowed (even stimulated) to stay and keep productive agricultural businesses and production facilities, since Sokoku saw this as a way to create economic continuity during and after a transition. A more bizarre requirement was that the newly independent territories, formally still loyalist sovereignties within the colonial framework, first had to offer their thrones to alternative candidates through binding referenda. Auresia was aiming at creating continuity for the loyal noble families that had served them so well for many, many decades. But in 13 of the 17 regions, no beran-beran was elected with the majority being blank votes. In the other 4 only one beran-beran got a majority and that was the person who had promised to abolish his own title and turn his sovereignty in a republican state region. The other three did not have a majority, but no second round was ever held.
Decolonisation war of Garis Hati
After the First Coalition War ended in 7634, popular opinion in Livaria started to swing. It was no longer accepted that the unrest and smaller uprisings on Harimyr Zemlya cost Livarian lives. Careful negotiations were started with some moderate Garishati nationalists about more autonomy leading towards full independence in a process of 10-15 years, with the Livaryans keeping strategic positions in business life and a lasting military naval presence in three locations. Upon presenting this unilateral agreement in 7638, the Garishati nationalists became deeply divided. One faction embraced the declaration of autonomy as an intermediate step towards a fully independent nation with a free market economy, while the other opposed the lasting Livarian presence, both economically and military. The opponents feared that an autonomous Garis Hati would become a Livarian marionette where the (former) coloniser still would decide on the main issues.
The opposing faction was quickly labelled as gelap, meaning dark, obscure and illicit in the Garishati dialect by the media, trying to marginalise them in public opinion. The opponents however re-appropriated the term gelap and started using it to their advantage, indicating that the dark and gold stripes of the Garis Hati Cat both needed to be present in this iconic animal. Sokoku, north of the island, publicly supported the opponents of the Livarian autonomy plans.
Garis Hati was declared independent prematurely in 7641 in order to give the Livarian military an opportunity to back out of the conflict between the nationalist groups that had escalated into a civil war. The first government immediately asked the military to help with a sea blockade against Sokoku in order to cut off the Gelap rebels. But with a coastal length of nearly 10,000 km this proved as good as impossible to carry out. Especially when local fishermen met up with smaller merchant vessels in territorial waters. Thorough controls of fishermen only led to a larger support for the Gelap rebels.
The conflict turned into an undeclared proxy war between Livaria and Sokoku, fought between the Livarian backed Hijau government and the Sokoku backed Gelap rebels. At the same time Sokoku campaigned at ICoN about about a plebiscite among the Garishati population about the type of nation it would want to become, questioning the legitimacy of the Livarian backed declaration of independence.
Three months after independence, the Sewalu region declared itself autonomous as a Mireist state and asked for inclusion as a member state of Sokoku. While Sokoku was bound by its ICoN request for a plebiscite, it could not accept this at the time, but it created an opportunity to start using the peninsula as a foothold on Garis Hati. The civil war became very asymmetrical with Livaria's naval blockade by large vessels proving ineffective for small scale intrusions, in combinations with the Gelap rebels turning up all over the island using the sparsely populated inland regions as ways for quick transportation of small militias with horses and off-road motorcycles. Where the nationalist government had to operate on a large scale, disgruntling many in the local population, the Gelap rebels could operate much more focused, thus avoiding civilian damage and casualties. However, the Gelap rebels were relentless towards assumed collaborators with Livarians and the nationalist government, so the number of displaced people and civilian casualties were on the rise, especially when the nationalists started to apply repercussions against villages who they suspected to sympathise with the Gelap rebels.
In 7643 Sokoku took over defence and security in Sewalu, which gave the local rebel forces more opportunities to focus on offensive efforts against the nationalist government. It was just a matter of time before the Livarian and Sokokan forces would meet in this conflict, which ultimately happened in late 7644, when the Livarian navy followed a Sewalan fishing boat supposedly was struck by a Sokokan sea mine. It turned out that a torpedo had detonated, which only could have been launched by the Sokokan navy. The conflict proved that the Sokokan military had become a force to be reckoned with in this region, having built up sizeable capabilities in a relative short time after the union of Shaaniaah, Shuuen and Mirei.
For about three years, the conflict was limited to the border regions between nationalist and Gelap Garis Hati, the open seas between Garis Hati and Shuuen as well as regular intrusions by small cells in nationalist territory. But the relative stand-still in the conflict was used by Sokoku to build up and train a local army. In 7647 they launched a large scale offensive in the central highlands, supported by the Sokokan air force, quickly occupying about 90% of the island and confining nationalist government to some coastal cities and off-shore islands. Even the Livarian navy, that had decreased its presence over the previous years, could not withstand the quick offensive and had to change its strategy to extract loyalist elements from the besieged nationalist pockets.
Late 7647 the capital Mengakui fell into Gelap hands, after which the state of Garis Hati Gelap was proclaimed.The new flag was hoisted the same day, clearly marking the end of nationalist administration. It took until 7649 until the last nationalist pockets were gathered under the Gelap banner. In 7652 an agreement about the withdrawal of Livarian forces from two combined naval and air force bases was reached, under the condition that Sokoku would not use the facilities for military purposes themselves. After the turnover to the Sokokans these base was largely abandoned. The bases were looted for its usable equipment, such as air conditioners, desks, refrigerators, and other furniture along with windows, doors and corrugated tin roofs from the buildings left by the Livarians, leaving what could be categorised as a deteriorating ghost town of abandoned buildings.
Principality of Ayatawantin
The Principality of Ayatawantin, a vasal state within the Livarian colonial set-up located on the western side of Nelyasyat, bordering (former) Aspasia, always had a more loose relation with Livaria. The ongoing civil war in Garis Hati and the continuing process of Aspasia becoming a Sokokan state called Nelyasyat worried the Principality's executive government. The Hueiwei population in the northern region had become increasingly more supportive of the Sokokan case and objected further dependency from Livaria. Two political movements occurred, one favouring the current constellation in a loose but steady coalition with Livaria, the other favouring good relations with the regional power Sokoku was becoming. The matter divided the principality to the bone.
In 7643 supporters of the regional, post-colonial faction gained power in the northern province. Prince Tialok, who was married to a Hueiwei noble woman called Nurul, succeeded his father in the regional council, tipping the balance between the two factions. Immediately, the northern province applied for membership of Sokoku. Since the nation still was entangled into a proxy civil war with Livaria, having requested a plebiscite at ICoN, it could not accept the application immediately. Instead, the region applied for a union with the Sokokan member state of Nelyasat, which was a different matter. Nelyasyat was willing to form this union under the name of Nelyasyat-Ayatawantin. Now Sokoku could take over security of this former part of the principality, but made no efforts to gain control over the rest of the Principality. The change of power led to an exodus of mainly Azix ethnics towards the island of Ayatawantin, but with a bigger conflict going on in Garis Hati, this particular turnover was rather uneventful.
The 7652 agreement between Livaria and Sokoku also had an article about the status of Ayatawantin. Sokoku would make no efforts to expand its influence over the rest of Ayatawantin. A similar agreement was signed with the Anisoran dependencies in 7653, thus formulating the demarcation line between Sokoku in the north and the gathered dependencies to the south. The border also marked the division between the Mireist, planned society and economy north of the border and the more free trade orientated south of the island. Sokoku accepted these treaties in order to gain international recognition for its borders now including Diyin Tsidii, Ayatawantin and Garis Hati.
Further developments
In 7670, Sokoku's smallest state Kerjasama Fisk Kakuri (or Kefika for short) changed its name to Mirei, honoring the founding mother of Sokoku, the late statesperson Chika Mirei who had passed away the year before. The name was also considered more neutral, since the equally large Hueiwei and Iztomal Chi communities were not represented in the old state name. The status of this small state however never was a topic of discussion, even though Mirei only makes up for 0,2% of Sokoku's territory and population.
Despite the lack of expansions or larger border disputes in Sokoku during the last 37 years, it remains to be seen if the entire process of the formation of Sokoku which started in the late 7580's has reached its final destination. Sokokan nationalists have questioned the treaties of 7652 and 7653 defining the southern border on Nelyasyat, formulating an ambition to expand Sokoku across the entire island. This ambition is however hardly mirrored south of the border, where the local population is content with the post-colonial situation outside of Sokoku, despite clear ethnic and linguistic relations between the people on both sides of the border.
A less divisive issue is the nominal claim that the state of Mirei still has over the former northern Fisks islands of Valtersö, Henkesö and Karolinasö. These days, the islands are part of Kamura by an agreement between Vittmark and the latter. The Nubugaru community of Mirei however claims that the treaty did not include unlimited Kamuran governance, but was connected directly to the Wolgos Scourge. ICoN has however acknowledged the treaty despite its ambiguous formulation, since neither Fisks islands, the Nubugaru community nor the state of Mirei are signatory parts of the agreement, but the Federal Kingdom of Vittmark under which these entities fell at the time of signing.